The honour that Lee Kuan Yew had bestowed upon us

 When I joined the Special Branch in 1951 Lee Kuan Yew had already been under close  monitoring by Special Branch.  A Detention Order by the then Colonial Secretary was waiting for him as he was on his journey back to Singapore after completing his outstanding law studies in Cambridge University in 1950. It was quite mystifying that out of the inner sanctum of Special Branch emerged a benefactor in the person of Richard Corridon, a senior British police officer who called upon the Colonial Secretary and convinced him to rescind Lee Kuan Yew's detention order.  Corridon was in later years to play an important part as a tacit benefactor in Lee Kuan Yew's internecine struggle to achieve his lofty ambition to become prime minister.

Singapore was under emergency law and open political activities were strictly restricted and the Communist United Front had not yet sprouted so the scope for Lee Kuan yew to flex his muscle was circumscribed. But more important he had no mass base for a politician to succeed.  The Malaya Communist Party's armed struggle in Malaya was suffering severe casualties and in October 1951 Chin Peng, the MCP Secretary -General convened a central committee meeting to discuss what steps to be taken to rescue the dire situation. They decided to open up a second front to complement the armed struggle and so issued a directive which they named October  Resolution which had been seen by Special Branch.

By the end of 1953 Singapore was suddenly overwhelmed by a massive plethora of commuunist united from unions and organisations like the  Brass Gong Society and Chinese Old Boys'  Associations etc which almost alarmed the Special Branch but not daunted.  Out of nowhere emerged a dynamic personality in the person of Lim Chin Siong to lead the CUF. That he had the imprimatur of the MCP to head the CUF was never in doubt. And to show his eminent leadership he had highly intellectual political activists like Devan Nair and James Puthucheary who showed absolute obesance to his leadership. Lee Kuan Yew saw at once that Lim Chin Siong was his answer to his lofty ambition and ingratiated  himself so obsequiously to Lim that no decent individual would condescend to do.  But that was Lee Kuan Yew's destiny which he would hold dear to his life. 

The contradiction was that Lee Kuan Yew hauntedly regarded Lim Chin Siong as the biggest obstacle to his ambition.  Lim Chin Siong had a unique charisma with the Chinese masses and Lee Kuan Yew was simply no match to him in any electoral contest.  So Lim was a constant fear in his mind and if history were to allow to take its  natural course without Special Branch intervention Lee Kuan Yew would have ended up languishing in prime minister Lim Chin Siong's gaol.  However as history turned out Lim Chin Siong and his revolutionary cohorts were detained in a communist-inspired riot in October 1956 and so the coast was clear for Lee Kuan Yew to achieve his ambition.

In the general election in may 1959 under the new constitution Lee Kuan Yew led the PAP to a landsllde victory  and he, as expected, became the prime minister. In my mind I considered him as both a titan and a tyrant. He brought Singapore from a third world to a first world status on the flip side he was quite inhuman in treating his political opponents whom he regarded as communist.  He had been perpetually haunted by the spectre of communists whom he believed one day he would perish in their hands.  So subconsciously to secure his personal safety he dished out his abhorrent treatment of his political opponents. This is just a conjecture and has no legal basis.

He was highly intelligent but was badly flawed in his character. He could utter a blatant lie which amounted a a libel without batting an eyelid against a defenceless civil servant like me and thought nothing about it. No Singapore  judge would have the courage to convict him so taking him to court was self-defeating. Now that I am nearing the end of my life journey I want to clear my name.  I wrote to his prodigal son Lee Hsien Loong to make a public apology for his father's grave sin but he maintained a reticent stunt. It means he will not make a public apology and he expects me to take the grave injustice with me to my grave.

The point I want to make is how a conscienceless homo sapien like Lee Hsien Loong be a prime minister and vowed to serve the public?  He and his equally venal cohorts are pocketing millions of people's money ostensibly to serve the public.  What public service?  It's disgustingly disparaging.  Is it not the most disgusting form of shenanigan? I invited the erudite Lee Hsien Loong to have an intellectual and political discourse with me despite out great disparity in education and social standing. He was a top law scholar in Cambridge Universiity and I merely passed my o level but I was imbued with a baptism of fire.

He and his avaricious cohorts sit on their fat asses and wallow on the perks and luxuries of their high office.  Do they realise that that are enjoying all these perks and luxuries on the sacrifices made by civil servants like us in the past. When we were fighting the communists he was still sucking his mother's milk.

李光耀所赐的荣誉

1951年 开始在政治部服务  那时我们的部门已经监视李光耀的活动  他在英国求学时已经很激烈的参加英国共产党组织 的活动  他毕业后回国辅政司已经有一份拘留令等着他  不知道他那里修来的福  忽从政治出现一位他的贵人  是一位 高级英国藉警官  他说服辅政司把李光耀的拘留令取消

薪加坡那个时期是在紧急法令统制下  一切公开政治活动都受到牵制  马共在进行它的武装斗争  李光耀还没有他可能发挥他的政治野心的空间   他最大的缺点是缺乏群众基础   在1953尾一个大政治暴风拫横扫薪加坡  一夜间一百多间左翼工会，铜锣剧社，校友会，妇女会以及其他左翼组织出现在政坛上  从幕后出来领导这些左翼团体是一位未经传的林清祥  这是不是马共的新政策  陈平在1951年召开一个中央会义讨论如何挽回很糟的战场损失  会义决定开第二阵线来补充战争  马共发出一份政策指示名十月决义（October Resolution）  政治部有看过这份决义  这第二联合阵线是不是马共所指导的共开组织不言而喻

林请祥是受过训练而他的领导表现非常杰出  他有一种魅力能吸引他的群众  他的群众基础非常广  他讲一流的福建话  他的福建话演讲没有人能比  李光耀几乎完全没有群众基础  林请祥好像是从天降的贵人  从那时侯起李光耀 就当林请祥是神仙而紧紧的贴近他   但是很矛盾的他也当林清祥是他的政敌 是他的政治野心要当总理的拌脚石  在任何选举他都不是林请祥的对手  如果历史可以自然的发展而政治部不採取行动李光耀可能成为林清祥的階下囚

1959年薪加坡在新的宪制下举行大选  林清祥在1956年尾暴乱中与他的联合阵线的领袖被拘留还没有释放  所以不能够竞选  这正反映着李光耀的野心  林清祥是他的克星   林不能竞选而李光耀现在全无敌手的情况竞选  行动党得到压倒性的胜利而李光耀成为总理   林清祥与几位一齐被拘留的联合阵线也被释xia放  从此是官民关系而李光耀利用他的权力紧紧的监视他们   李光耀的确对新加坡的民生与繁荣有很大的贡献  但他对他的政敌的残忍手段有良知的公民都不敢恭维  这有可能是心理有一种对共产党的恐惧感   他可能会在幻想中感到有一天会落在共产党的手中  有可能在保护他本身的安全作出残忍的决定   这些都是我所观察而没有證据来证guang李光耀虽然智慧很高但的人格差得很  我在1961年的美国中央情报局的间谍案中所给他的贡献 把他在美国人面前的身价高高提起  反过来他在国会大厦以电视直播国内外謊言诽谤我  不可思义  他的谎言荒谬到不攻可破  我可能採取法侓行动吗？  你認为新加坡有法官有胆量判李光耀有罪  我快要跑完我人生的路途 我要政府还我一个清白  我要求李显龍向我公开道歉   他保持缄默  可能给我吓到  没关系如果他要摆架子  我已经与他有过交量  我有邀请他与我在智慧和政治上博弈  他是剑桥大学优秀生  我是中四毕业但我是经过火的洗礼   

李显龙这样嚣张怎么可以为民服务  他与他的贪婪同僚把百多万人民的钱饱入私囊为人民服务  你们有没有听过这种耻辱和滑稽的言论？

A roving view of world politics

 I am not a political pundit but what I am trying to do is to make a psychoanalysis   of the political manifestations that have captured the imagination of the world.

The "thucidides's trap" coined by Havard Professor Graham Allison to describe the hegemonic rivalry of US-China relations has invoked world-wide interest but is dissented by some eminent political scholars as of too remote connectivity to be appropriate for modern day reference. Does it appropriately reflect the current US-China hegemonic rivalry may be intriguing but the fact is the Americans are indeed haunted by the rising power of Communist China that they will be replaced as the world supreme power.

The Americans are not neurotic in having this apprehension. China is indeed progressively gaining in political prowess against the Americans but the Americans' fear may be quite illusionary. Americans actually should have no fear that they would be completely superseded by China in world affairs. Whatever it is they will still retain their fire power and the loyalty of staunchly European allies who may not willingly accept the Chinese hegemony. The political reach of China may be dominant in China-prone countries outside Europe in Africa and South East Asia like Singapore and Cambodia. And the Americans have the resilence to rebound in the future. Joe Biden may not have the consummate appeal to non-Europeans but Xi jinping is not exactly a genial personality. Xi's popularity outside China is really a question mark depending on which side of the political spectrum you stand.

The body politic of the world being what it is the continuation and intensification of the US-China rivalry is inevitable until it reaches a point of no return. But then it will not end in any war because the extreme devastating consequences will be sufficient deterrent for any party to start a conflagration.

Will there be any power on earth which could terminate this world-demolishing rivalry? Only God!